• Bran Sevilla

The American National Mythos

“On desperate seas long wont to roam,

Thy hyacinth hair, thy classic face,

Thy Naiad airs have brought me home

To the glory that was Greece,

And the grandeur that was Rome.”

-From To Helen, Edgar Allen Poe

This is part of a larger series of articles and instructions intended for the American Blackshirts Party in a larger effort to adapt Fascist Philosophy to American politics.

Fascist movements vary from nation to nation. It is not a purely political movement, nor is it economic. Fascism is a cultural movement and for this reason, the cultural legacy of the nation is crucial for the development of fascist ideologies. Mussolini channeled the spirit of Classical Rome to unite the then half a century old Italian nation. Sir Mosley evoked the near mythic status of the Tudor dynasty of English royalty. Imperial Japan appropriated the Samurai spirit and codes of honor and applied them to all of Japanese society.

A national myth is a crucial component to any nationalist movement, fascist or otherwise. It instills both a sense of pride, purpose, and an ideal to strive toward for an entire nation. This national myth transcends all facets of society from class, to race, to religion, to gender, or age. The leftist train of thought is that nationalist movements, especially fascist movements, aim to divide people. On the contrary, we as a people are united by a transcendent cultural myth and our strive towards this ideal.

In the United States, we do not explicitly have the classical history of Ancient Greece, the tales of knighthood or heroes like Western Europe, nor do we have the captivating artistic and scientific renaissance of the Italian peninsula or medieval France. Instead we have all of these things and we inherit their legacy. But the sum of these parts of America’s ancestral cultural past does not make up our national myth. America is something greater than the sum of her parts.

From the malnourished, ill-equipped militias that fended off the greatest empire the world had ever known, to the birthplace of the world’s greatest writers and poets, to the industrial superpower that stood against the villains of the world, to the home of the greatest works of modern architecture and scientific advancement. In less than two and a half centuries, this fledgling nation accomplished greater feats than all nations of human history. Even now, our flag sits on lunar soil, our drones rove alien landscapes, our telescopes peer further into space, and our probes travel further into the abyss than any nation ever dared to. This is the American National Myth; not the chivalrous knight, the pensive philosopher, the bold conqueror, but to be all of those things and more. Every American is a prince in exile, a grounded astronaut, a bankrupt millionaire, a soldier in peacetime, or an uninspired artist.

This identity is the foundation upon which our movement should rest. We should not rely on glories of an ancient past as our source of pride, but instead as inspiration. Our movement exists now in our time, and so should our national myth. America is too young to reminisce about a glorious past. Instead, now is the time of our antiquity. This myth has more power than all the beauty of the marble statues of Ancient Greece or the oil paintings of the renaissance because it is something Americans are a part of right now.

Some might argue that we Americans are united by our faith in God. Others would say that we are united by a universal struggle. While these may be what many Americans feel, letting faith or a class struggle be the basis of your ideology will only drive Americans apart and set them against each other. This national myth is something all Americans can feel and take a personal pride in and give them a worldly ideal to push for. Faith is important. Social mobility is important. But faith, class, gender, and race, are ultimately what sets us apart. Our national myth is what unites us all under one banner.